| 7. Untenability of
the alternative hypothesis
7.1 No second Janmasthan
A thesis advanced by
the anti-Mandir people is that the new
Janmasthan temple (also known as Sita
ki Rasoi) on the mound adjacent to and
north of the Babri structure is itself the
original Janmasthan shrine. On many
grounds, this proposition is untenable :
1) This is a relatively
new temple and there is no archaeological
evidence to suggest that it is more than
250 years old.
2) Available historical
evidence shows that this shrine was
originally started by a sadhu named Ram
Dasji in about 1704 AD, on a piece of land
donated by Mir Masoom Ali Mafidar.
Subsequently, the present impressive
structure was built by a Hindu minister of
Safdarjang (the Shia Nawab of Awadh),
Naval Rai, who rebuilt many temples during
this period of relative benevolence,
mostly on sites of original sites
destroyed by Muslims. Where the
original site was occupied, as in this
case, a neighbouring site was used for the
construction.
3) Tieffenthaler
described the new Babri Masjid in detail
as being the site of the original Ram
Janmabhoomi, while he also mentions the
new Janmasthan temple (Site ki Rasoi) as a
very famous one in the city.
4) The thesis that the
original Ram Janmabhoomi shrine continued
without any interference leaves
unexplained the origin of the persistent
controversy about Ram Janmabhoomi on the
Babri Masjid site.
7.2 Hindus never ceased claiming the
site
It is well-attested
that Hindus persistently tried to retrieve
their holy land, which led to conflicts
between Hindus and Muslims. The
Hindus regained control of the courtyard
by the 18th century and kept up their
pressure on the site under the domed
structure. There is no reasonable
explanation for this persistent attachment
to the site, except that it was in
continuation of an older, pre-Masjid
tradition.
A document enclosed
with a letter dated 12th August, 1855 from
Wazid Ali Shah, the king of Oudh, to the
British Resident Major James Outram,
carrying the seal of the Qazi of Faizabad
in the year 1735 A.D., mentioned that a
serious riot had taken place over the
Masjid "built by the emperor of
Delhi" (apparently a conflict of the
kind that took place in 1855) between
Hindus and Muslims, during the times of
Burhan-ul-Mulk Saadat Ali Khan, the first
Nawab of Oudh (1707-1736) over the
possession of this mosque. (NAI,
Foreign, Political Proceedings, 28th
December, 1855, No.355 (Enclosure No.5)).
Maratha documents show
that one of the main objectives of Maratha
operations and policy in North India was
the liberation of the sacred cities of
Ayodhya, Varanasi and Prayag. In the
year 1751 Maratha armies led by Malhar Rao
Holkar, at the invitation of Safdarjang,
the second Nawab of Oudh, defeated the
Pathan forces in Doab. Immediately
after his victory Malhar Rao Holkar
requested Safdarjang to handover Ayodhya,
Kashi and Prayag to the Peshwa. (A.L.
Srivastava: The First Two Nawabs of
Oudh)
Again, when in 1756 the
third Nawab Shujauddaula invited Maratha
help against impending Afghan invasion,
the Maratha agent of the Court of Oudh
demanded the transfer of these three holy
places including Ayodhya and the
negotiations lingered on for more than a
year on this one point. Ultimately
in July 1757, Shujauddaula agreed to
transfer the holy cities of Ayodhya and
Kashi to the Maratha leader Raghoba.
But the transfer could not be implemented
as Maratha armies got entangled in the
conquest of the Punjab which ultimately
led to the tragedy of Panipat (1761 A.D.)
But Peshwa Balaji
Bajirao's eagerness to acquire Ayodhya is
reflected in one of his letters dated 23rd
February, 1759 to Dattaji Scindia, his
General in the North wherein the Peshwa
reminds Scindia that "Mansur Ali's
son (i.e., Shujauddaula) had promised to
Dada (i.e. Raghoba) to cede Benares and
Ayodhya" and instructs him to take
hold of those places alongwith Prayag.
(Cf. Sarkar J.N.: Fall of the Moghul
Empire, Vol.II, Calcutta, 1934 ff
231-233).
Historians Dr. A.L.
Srivastava, Sir J.N. Sarkar, G.S. Sardesai
and Dr. Hari Ram Gupta who have studied
this period of history very deeply have
concluded that "Had the Bhau (Sadashiv)
emerged successful from Panipat, within a
few years Kashi, Prayag and Ayodhya would
have been emancipated". (Hari
Ram Gupta: Marathas & Panipat,
Chandigarh 1961, p.292).
In 1767 Tieffenthaler
found that in spite of the Mughal kings'
efforts to prevent them, the Hindus had
re-occupied the courtyard, raised the Ram
Chabootra thereon, and were worshipping
there as well as under the domed
structure.
In 1854 Thornton
recorded in his Gazetteer exactly the same
situation as Tieffenthaler had found.
In 1855 there was a big
clash in which nearly 300 Muslims under
Shah Ghulam Hussain took possession of the
Babri mosque and tried to fix doors on
it. On protests from Hindus, clashes
started. Muslims attacked
Hanumangarhi, but were driven back with
considerable loss. Then the Hindus
counter-attacked, stormed the Janmasthan
and killed 70 Muslims who were buried
nearby. Shah Ghulam Hussain jumped
over the wall and fled.
In 1856, the Muazzin of
the Babri mosque, in a petition before the
British authorities admitted that the
courtyard had been in possession of the
Hindus for hundreds of years and now they
were interfering with the domed structure
as well.
In 1934, serious
Hindu-Muslim clashes occurred in and
around the Babri mosque, occasioned by a
cow slaughter. Many people were
killed and the structure was seriously
damaged.
In November and
December 1949, the Hindus held large
sessions of Ramayana-recitation around the
site, in order to purify it. On
December 22/23, idols were installed (some
say they miraculously appeared) and the
place was re-consecrated for Ram worship.
7.3 Attempts to suppress Muslim
testimony
While all Muslim
writers before 1949 proudly proclaimed the
destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi for
construction of the mosque, hailing it as
virtuous act of proclaiming the victory of
Islam over Hinduism, there are definite
indications that in recent years
(especially since the Hindus strengthened
their claim over the site) attempts have
been made to suppress evidence and
manipulate records. The following
cases will show this.
1) Gumgashte Halat-i
Ajodhya Awadh by Maulvi Abdul Karim
(referred to in 3:8), was translated from
Persian to Urdu by his grandson Maulvi
Abdul Gaffar. The first edition of
this translation, published in Lucknow in
1979, retained the description of
demolition of the temple at Janmasthan.
But this portion was removed from the
second edition published in 1981
(p.53-54).
2) In 1989, a leading
intellectual of this country looked for
the book "Hindustan Islami Ahad
Mein" ("Hindustan under
Islamic Rule"), by Maulana Hakim
Saiyid Abdul Hai (referred to in 3:11),
which included a chapter on Hindustan
ki Masjidein, containing a description
of the demolition of several temples in
the country including the Ram Janmabhoomi,
and their replacement by mosques. He
found that many people who certainly
should have known thebook, were not
willing to recall it. The book was
also missing in the libraries of famed
Muslim institutes, including the
AMU. If one perforce wants to
consider all this mere concoction and
insinuation, this much is verifiable fact
: the English version (1977) has the
tell-tale passages in the descriptions of
seven mosques built on temples, including
the Babri Masjid, censored out or
substituted.
3) The manuscript of
the Muruqqa-i Khusrawi by Sheikh
Mohammed Azamat Ali Nami, was only
available in the Tagor library, Lucknow,
for over 100 years. In 1986, when
the F.A. Ahmad Memorial Committee
published it, they omitted the chapter
relating to the destruction of the Ram
Janmabhoomi and the Hindu-Muslim clashes
in 1855. Later dr. Zaki
Kakorawi had to get this published
independently without getting any
financial aid from the committee.
4) The Settlement
Record of 1861 (First Khasra Kishtwar
Settlement Report) contained only the name
of Janmasthan on all the 10 plots of
Khasra no. 163. But in the copy of
the report kept in the Faizabad
Mahafazkhana, someone has made
interpolations to insert the names of Jama
Masjid and Muafi against one of
the plots. The interpolation becomes
evident if one looks at the record
available at Tehsil Office, the record of
second Revenue Settlement 91893 AD) and
the Revised Khasra records of Nazul
department of 1931 AD.
The fact that some
people thought it necessary to conceal,
manipulate or even obliterate pieces of
testimony to the history and the actual
use of the disputed structure and its
courtyard, corroborates our view that
these pieces do have proof value in favour
of the Mandir hypothesis.
7.4 Total lack of counter-evidence
The thesis recently
advanced by some persons that the Babri
Masjid did not replace any extant Ram
temple goes against common sense in many
ways. The well-attested fact that
the Hindus offered Ram Puja in the mosque
courtyard even under Muslim rule, the rows
of 11th century pillar-bases aligned with
the wall of the present structure, the
touch-stone pillars incorporated in it,
the Hindu sculptures they carry, all these
indications converge on the thesis of a
pre-existent Ram temple replaced by the
Babri mosque. This thesis is also in
perfect conformity with historically
attested behaviour patterns of Hindu
devotees and Muslim conquerors.
Indeed, the Ram Mandir hypothesis
postulates a little more than that the
general patterns applied in Ayodhya too.
By contrast, the anti-Mandir
thesis rests on a number of untenable
assumptions :
1) The Babri Masjid was
built on empty land. But the site is
the highest point in central Ayodhya, the
place of honour : in no city in the world
would it ever have been left empty, much
less in a temple city of long standing.
2) Mir Baqi went
elsewhere to collect the touch-stone
pillars, but at that other place where the
material was readily available, he did not
build a mosque (for no second mosque with
such pillars is known).
3) The tradition
associating the site with Rama was created
out of nothing while the site was occupied
by an imperial mosque. Hindus left
whatever place they had earlier considered
the birthplace, without a trace, and
started an exclusively Hindu worship in a
mosque courtyard taking the unparalleled
risk of confronting the Muslim power, for
no historical reason at all.
4) The British
concocted the story, eventhough their
knowledge of these traditions was scant,
no priests or sadhus belonging to this
tradition would ever believe an outsider's
theory (till today they reject any
scholarly chronology of Indian history),
plenty of temples-turned-mosques were in
existence without needing concoction, and
no similar rumour-mongering by the British
has been reported anywhere in India.
In an academic context,
the burden of proof would rest squarely
with those coming up with such a string of
far-fetched hyptheses to contradict a
well-established hypothesis attested to by
a long list of uncontroverted independent
testimonies by local Muslim as well as
European writers spanning 4
centuries. More so because the
Mandir hypothesis is not only supported by
the evidence which we have presented, but
is coherent with well-attested behaviour
patterns:
1) Muslim conquerors
destroyed many temples and replaced them
with mosques.
2) In a few cases, they
left the whole building standing (Kaaba,
Aya Sophia); but far more often they left
the earlier building only partly standing,
or razed it completely, but visibly used
parts of the destroyed temple, to flaunt
the victory of Islam over paganism: e.g.,
the Jama Masjid of Damascus (Syria), the
Gyanvapi mosque (Varanasi), Jami Masjid of
Rajamundri (Andhra), Quwwat-ul-Islam
Masjid (Delhi), Adhayi-Din-ka-Jhonpra
mosque (Ajmer), Jami Masjid of Kannauj (U.P.),
Jami Masjid of Sambhal (U.P.).
3) As N. Manucci
(17th century) and A. Cunningham
(19th century) have testified, Hindus
often kept returning to places on which a
mosque had been imposed, and this more so
to the extent that the place itself,
rather than the erstwhile temple, was
sacred to them.
A simple test whether
the anti-Mandir hypothesis deserves any
consideration at all, is the element for
which evidence should be most easy to
find: the British concoction
hypothesis. In the plentiful and
well-kept archives which the British have
left us, it should not be too difficult
for genuine historians to find some piece
of evidence. But so far, no proof
whatsoever has been given either for such
an actual course of events or even for
similar British tactics at another time
and place. If the anti-Mandir
polemists cannot even come up with that,
their whole hypothesis stands exposed as a
highly implausible and purely theoretical
construction.
7.5 Conclusion
The choice is between
two hypotheses. Actually, the
hypothesis that a Mandir stood on the Ram
Janmabhoomi site until Babar's troops
destroyed it and replaced it with the
Babri Masjid, has only recently been made
into a "hypothesis" and forced
to compete with the alternative anti-Mandir
hypothesis. Until recently, the
pre-existence of a Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir
at the Babri Masjid site was a matter of
established consensus. It was
confirmed by a large number of Hindu,
Muslim and European sources from the 17th
century onwards, and never once put in
doubt. And it explains all the
relevant facts and observations mentioned
in all the sources, and all the
iconographical and archaeological findings
at the site.
By contrast, the
alternative hypothesis is a recent
invention of armchair theorizers under
political compulsions. Formally, it
does no more than put into question a
number of the sources which confirm the
Mandir hypothesis. It does not offer
a coherent scenario that would explain all
the available facts. It goes against
general historical knowledge in a number
of respects, and fails to justify its
extraordinary assumptions.
Materially, it does not come up with any
proof : no proof that any of the pro-Mandir
documents is telling lies, much less any
proof of the events that would make up an
alternative non-Mandir scenario.
The choice is between a
hypothesis firmly rooted in reality, and a
hypothesis constructed in the air and
totally out of tune with general knowledge
and particular evidence. Faced with
this choice, any sincere scholar, and
indeed any citizen with common sense, will
not find it difficult to make up his mind. |