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NATIONAL
INTEGRATION Part I
THE POLITICAL stranglehold of
the British came to an end in 1947, but not the divisive theories
they had set afloat amongst our people. In line with their
divide-and-rule policy, the natural diversities of regions,
languages, sects and cultural traits in the Hindu society were
sought to be projected as points of discord and dissension. At the
same time, the British were only too well aware of the
irresistible appeal of the innate Hindu ethos latent in the hearts
of every section and stratum of the society which forms the
fountainhead of the unifying current of national life of Bharat.
It was this awareness that made them strive in every possible
manner to defame and devitalise the Hindu spirit. Towards that
end, the glorious history of Hindus was either totally blacked out
or grossly distorted, their religious and spiritual traditions
were derided as superstitious rubbish, their culture and
civilisation painted as barbaric, and so on. Specious theories
were propounded to prove that the Hindus were not even the
original children of this land.
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Wholesome Hindu Breeze in Tamil Nadu
One such pernicious theory propagated by the British was that of
separate Aryan and Dravidian races. About a century ago, in Tamil
Nadu, a separatist Dravidian movement was fathered by the foreign
Christian missionaries in conjunction with the British
imperialists. The slogan of independent Dravidanadu with its
trappings of separate Tamil culture, separate language and
separate identity soon caught the imagination of the educated
Tamils. Anti-Hindu, anti-North and antiDharma campaign unleashed
by its protagonists proved a decisive factor in Tamil Nadu
politics. Congress, despite its deep and widespread roots, was
thrown overboard. Dravidian parties under various labels sprouted
and had a field day. The DK once even organised a huge procession
in Salem with portraits of Shri Rama garlanded with chappals
(footwear) and beaten all along the route with the same. There was
no protest from the public except by the Sangh workers. Such was
the oppressive, suffocating climate of Dravidian separatist
politics. However, the Sangh workers continued to hammer the truth
of "one country, one people, one culture and one single
national identity" for the whole of Bharatavarsha.
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The First Exposure To The Hindu Appeal
The first rays of this truth began to dawn on the public mind
during the Emergency in 1975-77. The DMK was reigning supreme when
Emergency was clamped. However, when with one wave of the rod,
Delhi brushed it out of power, the titans of DMK shook in their
shoes. Their men in jails were a picture of pity. They wailed and
cursed their fate. Tamil Nadu stood bewildered at the strange
contrast: on the one hand, the higltand, the mighty were cringing
and crying; on the other, a small and practically unknown band of
young men stood erect, accepted the grim challenge and carried on
the underground movement. They shouted 'Bharat Mata ki jai', 'Long
live Democracy' and 'Down with Dictatorship' in the streets,
courted arrest and marched into prisons as heroes of liberty.
That proved to be the turning-point, though at first its effects
were slow to be felt. That was the first time the Dravidian
protagonists came to be exposed to an intensely nationalistic
atmosphere. The first shock came to them when they found that the
Sangh Swayamsevaks, whom they had imagined to be all 'Brahmins',
'Hindu fanatics', 'Northerners' and what not, were their own
caste-fellowmen, and had better grounding in Tamil lore than
themselves. As days passed, the gentle and cultured behaviour, the
dedication, the fortitude and the breadth of vision of the
Swayamsevaks conveyed to them a fresh and fragrant breeze of
nationalism. In spite of DMK's well-known antipathy to all that
went by the name of 'Hindu', Swayamsevaks did not, to the former's
surprise, betray any trace of ill-will or prejudice towards them.
On the contrary, they displayed a spirit of selfless love and
service, not only in jails but even outside. They maintained
helpful and reassuring contacts with the family members of the DMK
and other detenus.
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LATENT HINDU SPARK REKINDLED
Then came the shocking incidents of Islamic mass conversions at
Ramanathapuram, Kuriyoor, etc., reaching a climax at
Meenakshipuram in 1981. Sensing the need of the times,
Swayamsevaks came forward and formed 'Hindu Munnani' to build the
Hindu morale and steer the movement of Hindu resurgence. The
falsity of every argument of DK was laid bare and its hollowness
exposed. The dangers of conversion were unmasked in over two
thousand public meetings held throughout the province.
It is hardly surprising that the DK and DMK leaders, finding their
separatist anti-Hindu balloon deflated, unleashed a venomous anti-Sangh,
anti-Hindu crusade all over Tamil Nadu. And who, pray, were their
staunch allies in this 'holy war'? Who else but the Islamic and
Christian zealots! This confederacy only further exposed the weak
spots of all the three. Joining of hands by the DK-DMK leaders
with elements which have come out openly for the destruction of
Hindu society and Hindu Dharma caused further disillusionment in
their ranks.
It was not merely a question of the DK and DMK losing ground to
the Sangh. It was something deeper. The whole ideological thrust
of the separatist Dravidian movement was blunted and made
irrelevant by the deeply-felt Hindu appeal. When, for example, the
DK gave a call to boycott the temples and started picketing near
them, people refused to respond. On the other hand, when the Hindu
Munnani called upon the devotees to throng in large numbers on
such occasions, the response was overwhelming.
There was yet another factor. The dangers inherent in the ganging
up of DK and DMK with the communal and fanatic Muslim bodies like
Muslim League and Jamat-e-lslam were thoroughly exposed to public
view. Investigation of the names and the party affiliations of
those who had played a leading part in mass conversions in several
places revealed that they were either office-bearers or active
sympathisers of DK and DMK. They had succumbed to the lure of
money and other temptations, and misled their innocent fellowmen.
The fierce anti-Hindu propaganda of these groups had destroyed the
ancient religious roots of innocent people and made them fall an
easy prey to Islam. By contrast, it was the Sangh Swayamsevaks,
the champions of Hindu consolidation and Hindu Dharma, who came to
the rescue of their brethren in that hour of crisis.
All this had had a wholesome effect on the rank and file o f the
Dravidian and other parties themselves. A number of activists
belonging to the AIADMK, the DMK, the Congress, Janata, etc., have
joined Hindu movements like the Sangh and Hindu Munnani, cutting
across political differences and finding a common uniting appeal
in Hinduism. It is no longer a strange sight to find even one-time
stalwarts of the Dravidian movement on the Hindu platforms voicing
Hindu demands.
C. Armugam was a close associate of E.V.Ramaswami Naicker, the
founder of the DK movement. He was, for the last 35 years and
more, a colleague of K. Veeramani the present DK general secretary
and E.V.R's successor. But now, he has been disillusioned with the
DK movement for the anti-Hindu turn it has taken and has started
publicly supporting the cause of Hindu consolidation. In an open
letter to Veeramani, published in Dina Malar (20th April 1982),
Armugam wrote: "The time has come to remind you of some of
the wise words of E.V.R.E.V.R used to emphasise the need for
rousing the spirit and self-respect among the '97 per cent' of our
society. When he referred to 'our society', he evidently implied
the Hindu society. It is unfortunate that you are now indulging in
the condemnation of organisations devoted to the same kind of
transformation in Hindu society as was envisaged by E.V.R."
Later, speaking to the Sangh workers, Armugam gave some more
pertinent information: "When, years ago, Ambedkar was
thinking of going over to some other religion, E.V.R had written
to him not to think of forsaking the Hindu fold. He had stressed
that reformation in the society could be brought about only by
remaining in it and fighting for the dignity and rights of the
backward sections. E.V.R had also written a series of articles in
Vidudalai to that effect."
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THE UNIFYING HINDU APPEAL
There was yet another significant factor. Dravidianism, supposed
to take within its sweep all sections of the Tamil people, had
miserably failed in neutralising the poison of casteism and
untouchability within its fold. Dravidian strongholds in the
southern parts of Tamil Nadu had been, until recently, the scene
of very severe Thevar-Harijan clashes. The fanatic Muslim and
Christian elements were always ready to fish in troubled waters.
Many times the agents-provocateurs of the riots happened to be
these anti-Hindu elements themselves. On such occasions,
widespread mutual attacks, killings and burning of houses were not
uncommon.
Ramanathapuram district had always been a sensitive area prone to
such caste riots. Communal Muslim elements had taken advantage of
riots in February 1981 and indulged in widespread arson and
attacks. The Hindu Ottrumai Maiyam (Centre for Hindu Unity)
organised by Swayamsevaks soon became the common platform for a
number of Hindu organisations to put a stop to the internal
schisms among the Hindus. Over 100 prominent leaders and
representatives of all castes from the interior villages of the
district involved themselves actively in the movement.
In January 1984, a Padayatra (foot-march) was undertaken in the
conflict-torn and the conversion-prone areas, in which the Prant
Sanghachalak and other workers of Sangh participated. At the end,
a one-day conference of all the caste and sub-caste
representatives took a historic decision to do away with their
mutual differences and strive for Hindu unity and harmony. The
huge public meeting that followed bore eloquent testimony to the
remarkable fervour the call had evoked among the common masses.
The results were soon visible. The festival at the Murugan temple,
which had earlier sparked off riots, went on smoothly in 1984. All
sections of Hindus including Harijans from neighbouring villages
had joined, making the function a turning-point in the history of
the district. The Hindu of Madras (18th March 1984) reported:
"The panguni uthiram festival went off peacefully at the
Murugan temple in Ramnad. A special feature this year was the
perfect understanding between Harijans and non-Harijians."
The late Atmanatha Swamy, of the royal family of Ramnad and the
then Jilla Sanghachalak of Ramanathapuram, came forward to
continue the tradition of his illustrious forbears. His
grandfather Maharaja Setupati was the one who had stood as a
pillar of support to Swami Vivekananda for his voyage to America.
In line with that great legacy, Atmanatha Swamy accepted the
challenge of social conflicts and began visiting the Harijan
villages and localities. He would sit in their humble abodes, take
tea with them and invite them to his house for meals. He also saw
to it that the temple attached to the royal family so far closed
to the Harijans was opened to them. He had even decided not to
participate in the worship and other celebrations in the temple
without them. One can well imagine the impact such a conduct on
the part of a member of the royal family—and one belonging to
the Thevar community—must have had on the hitherto neglected
sections of the society.
The Jnana Ratham project of VHP gave one more powerful thrust to
the movement for Hindu social harmony. The Ratham was specially
taken to the backward rural areas. Harijans and other neglected
sections were amongst those most exposed to the DK s
anti-religious propaganda assaults. But now, Lord Muruga,
installed by Shri Kanchi Shankaracharya and Shri Pejawar
Mathadheesh in the Jnana Ratham, was Himself coming to their
humble hamlets and huts to give darshan—an opportunity denied to
them for centuries. Their devotional fervour had to be seen to be
believed. At one place, there was a regular stream of devotees who
started pooja and abhisheka in the afternoon which came to a close
only after midnight. Later, two more Rathas-Shakti Ratham and
Jnana Deepaka Ratham—have joined the earlier one giving a big
impetus to the project.
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Towards Strengthening Harmony and Morale in Punjab
The strategy of the terrorists in Punjab appears to be, in the
main, a three-pronged one: at the 'bullet' level, and at the
political and social levels. The degree of their success or
failure in the first two spheres is by now a point of critical
assessment by the public and the press. But, probably, the
stiffest of challenges the terrorists are facing is on the social
front.
The terrorists are keenly conscious of the reality of the Punjab
situation. The Sahajadhari (non-Sikh) Hindus form no less than 45
per cent of the population. Any dream of achieving 'Khalistan'
would evaporate into thin air if they stood firm and asserted
themselves in their native soil. Their mass exodus could be
effected only if the Sikhs could be inflamed into attacking them
en masse. The Sikhs in the rest of the country would, the
terrorists probably believe, then have to face the wrath of other
Hindus and would be driven to Punjab. Such a situation alone could
prepare the ground for their dream of 'Khalistan' to come true.
The terrorists' tactics on the political front is aimed precisely
at destroying every kind of political leadership and making the
democratic political process grind to a halt, so that the non-Sikh
factor could be eliminated from the political arena of Punjab.
The most formidable impediment the terrorists are facing in this
respect is the commendable manner in which the Sikhs have refused
to raise their arms against their other Hindu brethren. This is so
even in the interior rural areas where the Sahajadhari Hindus form
a small minority. On the contrary, instances are not wanting where
the local Sikhs have assured their Sahajadhari brethren of
protection and dissuaded them from migrating elsewhere. The
traditional bonds of brotherhood between the two sections have
thus remained intact, in spite of grave provocation.
An incident at a village, Kara-Sahari near Hoshiarpur, in February
1988, needs to be written in letters of gold When the terrorists
warned the Sikhs in the audience at the Raas-Lila programme during
the Holi festival to get out or else face the bullets along with
other Hindus, the Sikhs retorted: "We have been born and bred
together as brothers; we would rather die together than bow down
to your threats. Remember, your bullets cannot snap the ties of
our blood." When the bullets rained, the majority among the
35 massacred and twice that number wounded were Sikhs. They fell
martyrs in the highest tradition of their Gurus who had paid the
price with their lives for the defence of the entire Hindu
society.
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REINFORCING THE UNITED WILL
It is in this background that the importance of the role being
played by the Sangh Swayamsevaks can be appreciated. Time and
again, the All-India Executive Committee of the Sangh has directed
the Swayamsevaks in and outside Punjab to continue to strive for
maintaining amity and goodwill among the Sikhs and other Hindus.
For, the Sangh has always looked upon the Sikhs as one of the
valiant, devoted and self-sacrificing sections of the Hindu
society. During the 1947 holocaust, scores of Swayamsevaks had
shed their blood in rescuing Sikh men, women and children along
with other Hindus. During the dark days of violence and terror
preceding Partition, among those in the forefront defending the
holy precincts of Darbar-Sahib in Amritsar were the Sangh
Swayamsevaks. In the Sangh Shakhas also, the Keshadharis and
Sahajadharis have always mingled together without any distinction.
The campaigns undertaken by the Swayamsevaks to reinforce the
united will of all Punjabis against the terrorist tactics have
naturally received unstinted support from the Sikh community, and
more so from its intelligentsia.
When the VHP announced its plan of holding Vishal Dharma Sammelan
at Amritsar on 12th and 13th March 1983, many eyebrows were
raised. Would this religious meet inflame the fanaticism of
non-Sikhs as a reaction to Sikh extremism? And, how would the
Sikhs themselves react to this move of VHP? The Government too was
gripped with anxiety. Over a thousand armed policemen were drafted
for a round-the-clock vigil.
But what took place at Amritsar on that occasion was something
remarkable. The l00,000 strong,six-kilometre-long procession
comprised all sections of Hindu society. Thousands of Keshadharis,
drawn from hundreds of villages, had streamed into Amritsar along
with other Hindu brethren, to join the historic march. The local
gurudwaras held a 24-hour langar (free meals) for the delegates.
Four truckloads of parathas came from thousands of homes to the
conference venue.
All through the conference, not a trace of difference between
Sikhs and non-Sikhs was to be found anywhere. The revered Gurus of
Namdhari, Mazhabi and other sub-sects of the Keshadharis joined
the venerable Hindu Swamis and Hindu leaders like the Maharana of
Mewar, Bhagvat Singh, Dr. Karan Singh, Gulzarilal Nanda, Prof.
Rajendra Singh and Rajamata Vijaya Raje Scindia, in proclaiming
the intrinsic unity of the Hindu people. Sadguru Jagjeet Singh of
the Namdharis had sent his blessings from abroad for the success
of the conference. He said: "Strengthening the traditional
ties of brotherhood and oneness among the Hindus and Sikhs is the
most urgent and paramount duty cast upon all of us. The future of
Punjab as much as that of the entire Bharatavarsha lies in the
success of this mission." At a time when the poison of
political rivalries was spilling over polluting all fields of
national life, the Amritsar Sammelan showed the way for sprinkling
the Amrit (nectar) of goodwill and brotherhood on society.
And just before the Blue-Star Operation, a batch of 115 workers
including students, teachers and social activists of Jnana
Prabodhini—a creative, constructive movement based at Pune and
initiated by a pioneering Swayamsevak V.V. Pendse—had undertaken
a peace march in Punjab, the first ever to be taken up by a
voluntary organisation. They met the extremists as well as the
commoners, carrying to them the message of national integration.
In Amritsar, they stayed at the Golden Temple and held discussions
with Sant Longowal and Bhindranwale, and appealed to them to
uphold the cause of national integration.
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TO THE RESCUE OF SIKH BRETHREN
The timely role played by the Swayamsevaks in rescuing the Sikh
brothers and sisters during the Delhi carnage in 1984, in the wake
of the assassination of Indira Gandhi, is noteworthy. Hundreds of
Sikh families were given protection in Swayamsevaks' homes; relief
camps were set up for the needy and necessary service rendered at
their homes also. Several hundreds of Sahajadhari Hindu families
came forward to offer refuge to their Sikh neighbours even risking
their own life and property. The Sikhs migrating to Punjab after
the Delhi killings carried with them the tidings of how the
Swayamsevaks had come to their rescue at that crucial hour.
Elsewhere too, the timely guidance given by the Sangh leaders on
crucial occasions played not a small role in easing the tension.
In the wake of Delhi bloodshed Balasaheb Deoras's condemnation of
the heinous acts rang forth in unequivocal terms. Whenever
Sahajadhari Hindus travelling in buses were singled out by the
terrorists for.attack, statements of Balasaheb and Punjab Prant
Sanghachalak cautioned the non-Sikh Hindus in Punjab and elsewhere
not to succumb to anti-Sikh reactions.
In scores of places like Patna, Bharatpur, Ranchi, etc., the
Swayamsevaks played a decisive role in defusing the tense
situation and saving the Sikh families and gurudwaras from mob
fury. The incident at Devband, in Saharanpur District, UP, is
illustrative. On the morrow of Indira Gandhi's assassination, the
Tehsil Sanghachalak was on his way to a temple for his daily
worship. The sight of a frenzied mob proceeding towards the
gurudwara alerted him and he immediately hurried there. Standing
rocklike at its entrance, he stopped the crowd, calmly argued,
persuaded and convinced them of the harm their action would cause
to the Hindu society. It was only after the mob was pacified and
had dispersed that the Sanghachalak left the place. The reason why
the incensed mob could be calmed down was of course, the moral
authority that the words of the Sanghachalak carried. Behind his
appeal lay the penance of a man dedicated to the cause of Hindu
unity all his life.
At Kanpur when the Sikhs were made the target of the fury of
ruffians which took a toll of their lives and property, the
Swayamsevaks came forward to repulse the attacks. Four or five
Sikh families were sheltered in the residence of the Prant
Sanghachalak till peace was restored. When the house of Prof.
Sardar Pradyumn Singh of S.D. College was besieged by a mob, the
Swayamsevaks drove them away and saved the family from the jaws of
death. In South too, a prominent VHP worker at Coimbatore gave
shelter for over a fortnight to several Sikh families whose houses
were attacked and shops burnt down.
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FORUM FOR SIKH INTELLIGENTSIA
Punjab, the Swayamsevaks initiated several measures to build
popular protest against the terrorist tactics and to strengthen
the morale of both Sikhs and Sahajadhari Hindus. Several
programmes were organised with a view to providing a platform for
the Sikh intelligentsia to give the much-needed guidance to the
Sikh masses.
The Punjab Ekata Sammelan (Punjab Unity Conference) organised by
VHP on 6th May 1984 at Chelmsford Club, New Delhi, was one such.
Speaking at its inaugural session, Lt. Gen. J.S. Aurora said:
"So far we, as peaceful citizens, had left the arena to the
extremists and the Government. In the meantime, the battle of
minds is being lost. Hindu-Sikh amity which has existed for
centuries and endured many vicissitudes is disappearing. We cannot
afford it and we must not let it happen."
Dr. Gopal Singh, the Lt. Governor of Goa, said: "For me
Hinduism is like my mother. In fact, my mother herself was a
Hindu. Sikhism won't have its roots or existence without Hinduism
and India." The Sammelan came "as a ray of hope at the
end of the tunnel in the midst of the tragedy that is Punjab
today"— Sardar Khushwant Singh, the eminent journalist,
said.
Soon after the Blue-Star Operation, when the Sikh priests gave a
call for karseva (voluntary service) at the Golden Temple,
Swayamsevaks were among the first to respond. Hundreds of
Swayamsevaks, in Sangh uniform, reached the temple in a procession
led by the City Sanghachalak. The presence of the Sangh
Swayamsevaks in such impressive numbers moved the organisers of
the karseva, who appealed on loudspeakers to other participants to
follow the example of Sangh and work for maintaining peace and
social harmony in the State. A couple of days later, a large
number of prominent BJP leaders from Punjab and Delhi also took
part in the kar seva. These leaders called on Jathedar Kirpal
Singh, head-priest of Akal Takht, and impressed upon him the
urgency of issuing a hakamnama against the killers of innocent
people.
Prominent Sikh Swayamsevaks came together from all over the
country in a conference at Delhi on 31st August 1986, to take
stock of the situation and chalk out further steps. The conference
had the theme 'Save Punjab, Save Bharat'. Besides prominent
savants, leading advocates, doctors and businessmen from the Sikh
community from several provinces, Jathedar Ramsingh of Patna Saheb
was present on special invitation. All of them emphasised the need
for the Sikh intelligentsia to give the lead to the Sikh masses
for reinforcing unity between the two sections of the society and
defeating the machinations of the secessionists.
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MOTIVATING DIFFERENT ORGANISATIONS
The Swayamsevaks in the labour field too were not wanting in
initiative. At several places the BMS organised peace marches and
unity conferences in which both the Keshadharis and Sahajadharis
participated in large numbers. The coming together on a common
platform of all the ten all-India trade union organisations with
the purpose of promoting mutual goodwill between the two sections
also helped. The National Integration Convention held by them at
New Delhi on 11th May 1986 marked yet another milestone. At its
preparatory meeting, the President of BMS highlighted the positive
basis for national integration. He said, it lay in the innate
cultural unity of the Indian people amidst the diversities of
language, province, sect, caste, etc. He also pointed out the
dangers af the theory of 'many nationalities' which had culminated
in the 1947 Partition.
The State capitals also witnessed similar Integration Conventions
on 9th August the same year. At the end of the conference at
Bangalore, the President of AITUC, Karnataka unit, remarked:
"For some of us, talking of national integration is a new
thing, but for BMS it is not so. They have been its firm votaries
since the very beginning." At many of these conferences, the
Communist trade union leaders too lamented the vivisection of the
country, and traced the root-cause for all the present divisive
forces at work to that initial blunder.
The massive turn-out at the Punjab Ekata Sammelan organised by the
Rashtriya Suraksha Samiti at Amritsar on 23rd November 1986, was a
powerful demonstration of the determination of Punjabis to fight
secessionist and anti-national elements. It was a spontaneous
outburst of people's exasperation with persistent killings and the
insane demand for 'Khalistan'. Every tehsil of Punjab was
represented at the Sammelan. A large pumber of organisations
including the VHP, ABVP, BMS, BKS and Seva Bharati had mobilised
their supporters to make the Sammelan a success.
Over 500,000 people and party workers enthusiastically responded
to the call of BJP and thronged the lawns of India Gate in New
Delhi on 23rd February 1987, the opening day of the Budget Session
of Parliament, to register a massive protest against the Centre's
Punjab policy and its failure to check infiltration in the westem
and eastern regions, including Rajasthan, Gujarat and West Bengal.
It was perhaps the biggest demonstration at Parliament House in
recent years. One could see a sea of humanity from the dais to the
other end of the horizon the rally was organised, in the words of
Atal Behari Vajpayee, to tell the people of Punjab that they were
not alone in their fight against terrorism and to wake up the
sleeping Government at the Centre. The rally demanded a security
belt all along the Pakistan border.
During February 1987, a morale-boosting programme for the
Sahajadharis and Keshadharis alike was undertaken by the Rashtriya
Suraksha Samiti, Punjab. A 125-strong Balidani Jatha, with
volunteers drawn from neighbouring States also, undertook an
intensive 34-day tour of Punjab. They would insist on holding
meetings at gurudwaras where the Sikhs felt apprehensive because
of terrorist menace. The meetings turned out to be extremely
cordial and brought a new awareness to the rural Sikhs about the
true nature of the Punjab problem. It also helped in reinforcing
the morale among the Sahajadhari Hindus residing in border areas.
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